LEIPZIG, REPRESSION WORKS. LET’S TALK ABOUT IT.

Since 2.5 years, we have been confronted with an intense wave of repression in Leipzig. However, there has been a lack of a significant public debate among different groups and contexts in the city about its consequences. We also have not yet spoken out about the ongoing situation, which we want to address now. Because repression has an impact. It affects individuals directly affected by it as well as those who are not directly affected. It affects the political practices of individuals and groups. It leads to anger, paralysis, powerlessness, passivity, and fear.

Repression has become the norm in Leipzig. It not only puts some people in prison or already has but also aims to intimidate the entire antifascist movement and has significant psychological consequences for individuals. Repression is violence. Repression escapes our power to act. If we want to demonstrate strength as a movement against state violence, we must also acknowledge our weaknesses and vulnerabilities. Radical rhetoric and the same old phrases, as well as a reflection-free „wipe your mouth and carry on“ approach, will not help us out of our miserable situation. Instead, recognizing and understanding the situation we are confronted with will help us. This means understanding the underlying political and social power relations. It also means becoming aware of the political, emotional, and psychological consequences of the wave of repression, both individually and collectively. If we fail to do so, we misunderstand the conditions of our difficult situation and detach ourselves from reality.

1. What a time to be alive – the current situation

Wednesday, March 15, 2023, International Day against Police Violence, 6 a.m.: Masked and armed police officers storm the apartments of 8 antifascists in Leipzig and Jena. The raids, which lasted several hours, were prompted by investigations by the Public Prosecutor’s Office in Dresden, as well as the State Criminal Police Offices of Thuringia and Saxony, in connection with the attacks on neo-Nazis during the so-called „Day of Honor“ in Budapest. In Jena, after breaking down the apartment door, they threw a flash grenade into the apartment. A resident was dragged out of bed without underwear and held down on the floor by male officers. A young person was also restrained. At that time, probably few people thought that the police would take it a step further a few hours later by storming a residential building in Connewitz with the Special Deployment Command (SEK).

This Wednesday showed the scale that political prosecution has reached. The investigations into the attacks in Budapest, in which the repression authorities have also willingly assisted the right-wing Hungarian government, unmistakably demonstrate what they are willing to do to intimidate us, scrutinize our structures, paralyze us, and ultimately crush us. The SEK stormed a residential building where suspected individuals were believed to be hiding. Doors were shot open, and residents were pinned to the floor. It was a deliberately chosen symbolic act that forcefully illustrates the politically motivated will to persecute. It shows us what happens when we show solidarity with each other and support or hide the accused. And the message „it can happen to anyone“ hit home once again.

However, the recent raids did not come out of nowhere. They have continuity and are the culmination of an ongoing wave of repression in Leipzig for 2.5 years.

Only a few people probably have a proper overview of the number of home searches. Home searches, along with court proceedings, are the most visible form of repression. However, the list of measures that have emerged in Leipzig in recent years is much longer: Observations, data collection frenzy, bugged cars, telecommunications surveillance, cameras in front of objects, storming of a housing project for DNA sampling, or the countless minor penalties and measures in the context of protests against the right-wing Monday demonstrations, specifically targeting younger antifascists and aiming to deter them further. And last but not least, we would like to emphasize the countless structural investigation procedures that are primarily aimed at establishing a suspect status, enabling the scrutiny of individuals and their networks.

The list could go on. The Antifa-Ost case holds a central position within the current repression situation. However, exclusively focusing on it would overlook the extent and disregard many other ongoing proceedings that are also part of the intensified wave of repression.

2. The political and social power dynamics backing the authorities

The necessary justification for the actions of the repression authorities is provided by a commonly shared „but the left-wing extremism“ narrative, consistently promoted by the right-conservative CDU government in Saxony. They tirelessly call for a fight against „left-wing extremists.“ Meanwhile, the conditions in Saxony have been fertile ground for various right-wing terrorist cells and militant Nazi structures for decades. Not to mention the overall societal anti-communism that manifests as hatred towards anything left-wing and emancipatory. The shift to the right is not only reflected in the 27.5% of the vote for the AfD in regional elections or the understanding of other resentment-driven movements but also in the reinforcement of political enemies, executed through an increasing zeal for persecution against the left. Even Leipzig’s SPD mayor is not too shy to make senseless comparisons. In September 2020, following three anti-gentrification demonstrations that turned violent, he conjured up a scenario of civil war-like conditions and predicted that it would not be long until the first casualty. A month later, there were two deaths in Halle, located not far from Leipzig. Sixty Jews survived only by luck in the attack that targeted them. Once again, a fascist killed innocent people. „But the left-wing extremism…“ is ultimately no better, they say. This narrative also provides a shield for the repression authorities. Their actions are always an expression of political power dynamics in Leipzig, Saxony, and Germany.

Part of these power dynamics is also the social isolation and marginal position of the radical left, which we must acknowledge. However, the conditions not only offer an explanation for our situation but must also be included in our discourse on dealing with repression. Because social isolation is a precondition for the state to currently persecute anti-fascists on such a scale without significant opposition. It allows them to further isolate us as a scene and render us even more socially irrelevant.

3. Following Repression

3.1 Retreat?

We have already discussed how the wave of repression leaves emotional and psychological traces within the Leipzig left-wing movement. However, other traces can also be observed externally: Even the most brutal blow of repression, such as the one on March 15th, brings fewer and fewer people to the streets. Many groups and individuals with whom we used to take to the streets are now nowhere to be found. The withdrawal of individuals who have been politically active in Leipzig in various spectrums over the past years is also evident in the decreasing average age of demonstration participants.

Certainly, various factors come into play here. Not everything can be attributed solely to repression. The disappearance of some larger groups like „Antifa Klein-Paris“ or „the future is unwritten“ has undoubtedly contributed, as has the COVID-19 pandemic. The issue of sexual/sexualized violence within the scene (e.g., in the context of the „Monis Rache“ festival or the perpetrators involved in the Antifa-Ost case) has also significantly disrupted political connections in Leipzig and fueled retreats. Similarly, the unfortunately „normal“ generational shift and the resulting change in priorities for individuals in their (political) lives, altered practices, withdrawal into private life, wage labor, or (sub-)cultural work. There are many reasons for reorientations or retreats, even in the absence of repression.

Nevertheless, the point we want to emphasize is that one does not always have to be directly affected to experience the impact of repression. Often, its effects remain unconscious. The weariness of knowing that repression can affect anyone, even if one’s own practice seems unsuspected, must therefore be considered as an aspect that can contribute to the aforementioned reorientations or retreats. After all, people in the radical left also have something to lose.

Even individuals directly affected by repression often withdraw – certainly, often involuntarily as a consequence of their situation and for possibly different reasons. However, the fact remains: Repression paralyzes. Yet, it not only paralyzes the affected individuals who remain inactive but also extends beyond them. Solidarity work involves countless people and demands an incredible amount from them. The fact that we are forced to deal with our own repression or that of our comrades is one of its primary objectives. As a result, resources for other struggles are lacking. Repression wants us to become isolated and withdraw. It aims to make our fights more difficult and force us to refrain from future activities. And it succeeds. Unfortunately.

3.2 Normalization of Repression

With each subsequent house search in the past 2.5 years, a sense of normalization has taken hold. Some acknowledge it with a shrug, others repeat learned slogans, while still others get lost in impulsive activism.

When we read about house searches and it no longer affects us much; when, after major repression with special forces deployed in the „Leftist stronghold of Leipzig,“ only 150 people take to the streets; when a debate about the undeniable impacts and handling of repression fails to materialize, then we must admit that in the face of constant repression, we have become accustomed to the situation. Resignation primarily stems from the collective overwhelm within the scene, which can hardly provide balance or mitigate the consequences of the current pressure. Consequently, repression yields the desired effect: overwhelm and passive acquiescence to it. We believe that as radical leftists, we would do well not to deceive ourselves in this regard. We want to show the state that it cannot defeat us, but currently, it is not biting off more than it can chew. Therefore, we should acknowledge that the state’s attacks are severely affecting us. And we should discuss how to approach this, beyond routine and thoughtless impulsive actions.

3.3 Repression as an Imminent Consequence of Left Radical Politics Requires (Preventive) Engagement

Repression is no longer widely discussed and understood as a logical consequence of left radical politics. However, it stems from the state’s monopoly on violence and its claim to authority, which contrasts with the left’s antagonism towards it. Consequently, we feel even more powerless when we, like at present, are constantly affected by repression, but preventive engagement with repression is more of an exception than the norm.

Engaging preventively with repression serves not only our own protection but also the safety of others. When repression affects someone, it often triggers understandable fears. Resisting the pressure of repression can demand a lot from an individual. Therefore, stable social networks that can support and absorb this pressure are crucial, as well as having a firm political standpoint from which to confront it. The state and its law enforcement agencies aim to break us with their repression. There are examples where they have succeeded. Certainly, repression is beyond our control initially. Nevertheless, on one hand, there are forms of activism that are criminalized and inevitably lead to investigations. On the other hand, one can become a target of repression simply because they are labeled as „extreme left.“ Regardless of the specific nature of one’s left radical practice, it must always be confronted with the potential repercussions of repression. It is no coincidence that individuals often give in when they have not taken repression seriously enough but suddenly find themselves confronted with it, subsequently trying to minimize the consequences for themselves—at the expense, if necessary, of their (former) comrades or a political legal process.

3.4 Repression is Violence and It Affects the Psyche

Repression leaves traces not only within the antifascist movement but also within individuals. Some time ago, a person who experienced a house search published a text about the emotional impact it had on them (knack.news/3614). We appreciate this text because it addresses what is often not publicly discussed.

While it has become somewhat fashionable within the framework of new masculinity models to admit vulnerability, the antifascist movement is still dominated by traditionally masculine attributes.iii Consequently, weakness must be suppressed and disassociated. One wants to appear combative and „tough“ to their comrades and not reveal to the state that repression naturally affects them. Don’t worry, the state and the police know that very well, even if we don’t acknowledge it publicly.

Their approach is aimed at intimidating, spreading fear, and demonstrating power. Therefore, we lose nothing by talking about it. On the contrary, by articulating vulnerability and weakness, we can regain strength and connectedness. As a movement, within friendships and political structures, we are well aware of the psychological effects on our comrades after raids or other forms of repression such as surveillance, DNA sampling, arrests, telecommunications monitoring, etc. For example, the aforementioned affected person wrote about the emotional impact of the raid: „Shortly after, I find myself alone in my room. It looks different, and it feels different. Day after day will pass as we try to reclaim these spaces as our home, to try to feel safe again. Sometimes it works better, sometimes less so. And that’s totally okay. And even if it doesn’t work at all, that’s okay too. The blame lies with the police and the repressive state. […] Because yes, the police may leave on the day of the search, but the many impressions and oppressive feelings remain.“iv Some residents of the house in Connewitz, which was stormed by the special forces, wrote: „Even if other house searches seem to go more smoothly than ours, they are always a massive intrusion into our most intimate and private spaces. So, don’t take these incidents lightly, but support

each other. Ask each other what you need and discuss your experiences in a trusted environment.“ In addition to these two described experiences, there are countless other ways in which repression can affect individuals in their daily lives. People who look over their shoulder three times when leaving the house, fearing (renewed) surveillance. Comrades who have had their DNA taken, remaining in uncertainty for years about whether there will be further consequences or not. Individuals who startle at morning noises for weeks after a raid and must reestablish a sense of security within their own home. Those affected by repression who develop control compulsions because they are confronted with multi-year legal proceedings that loom over them permanently, yet remain beyond their control and knowledge of what will happen to them. The police are aware of all this. That is precisely part of their repression. If we don’t talk about it, whether within friendships, political structures, or publicly, it is not strength but rather weakens us further. By doing so, we leave comrades alone with the consequences of repression and cannot gain a sense of agency in the face of repression.

4.So what’s next?

If we want to discuss how individual or collective responses can look like, the previous considerations regarding the intended and actual impact of repression, as well as the underlying political power relations, must be the starting point. We must not discard the (certainly sobering) perspective that as radical leftists, we are far from intervening in the conditions of society. Many problems we face cannot be solved within the scene itself. In light of this, we need to look at what we can give each other and what we need from each other in order to continue making left-radical politics and how we can counter our further isolation. There is no master plan or answer to the repression situation. We should not yearn for it. The realization of our precarious situation is the prerequisite for not producing further disappointment. In short, we want to address a few aspects that would each require further discussion and supplementation.

Public Relations

Repression and the criminalization of our struggles should always be followed by our own publications, which can be found beyond scene platforms such as Indymedia or knack.news. For example, after raids in the immediate residential area, the police operation that took place could be addressed and contextualized through flyers distributed in mailboxes. We can only overcome our isolation if we once again succeed in building experiences of solidarity beyond scene identities.

Support for Prisoners and Their Networks

Several antifascists are already in custody nationwide, and it is expected that many more will follow. Examine how you can support prisoners, their networks, or even families. A good starting point to approach this topic, for example, could be reading the brochure „Wege durch den Knast“ („Ways through Prison“).v

Prevention

There are undoubtedly numerous interesting contributions to the debate on repression that receive too little attention. Dig them out and spread them in your circles. As individuals and in your groups and networks, engage preventively with questions of repression: What are the fears, what can we collectively catch, where are the dangerous weak points, what precautions can we take to be better prepared in case of need? Awareness of repression, its consequences, and (individual) fears can provide security.

Militancy

We also lack engagement with uncomfortable questions about the meaningfulness of certain militant practices. Does it make sense, under the current circumstances, to maintain certain militant forms of action if they have no political benefit and potentially only bring more repression and isolation?

Militant forms of action should not be hastily discarded but also should not become an end in themselves. Rather, it requires situational deliberation on how militancy is strategically embedded in societal conflicts or whether it is necessary for self-defense. Legitimate situations for militant action can be inferred from this. However, if militancy is no longer reflected based on understandable parameters of political strategy or necessary self-protection, but is misunderstood as a self-explanatory expression of radicalism or completely detached from its justification, then it raises suspicion that it primarily serves as a space, legitimized by one’s own collective, for the indulgence of violent fetishes. The circumstances or places in which such self-serving violence can be realized are ultimately potentially interchangeable. It reflects primarily common forms of destructive outbursts, whose other enabling spaces include the football stadium or the village festival. We believe that this also needs to be discussed.

Break Out of Isolation! But how?

Last year, for example, there was an attempt to find a collective response to repression and to expose state violence to the public through a series of demonstrations titled „Alle zusammen gegen ihre Repression – Wir kämpfen weiter“ („All Together Against Their Repression – We Continue the Struggle“). However, it was soberingly concluded:

„In summary, the new attempt to find a way to deal
with ongoing repression in Leipzig must be considered rather unsuccessful. Even though we experienced some empowering collective moments, it was not possible to sustain our resistance against repression and productively connect our struggles. Instead, it seemed that people were looking more for a one-time major event to ‚release pressure,‘ which is now firmly factored into the police’s operational planning.“vi

As a positive trend in recent months, it should be mentioned that there have been (again) more rallies or gatherings at the locations of house searches. We should hold on to that and expand it further. The more people come together, the more resource-intensive the operation becomes for the police, who also hate being observed in their work.vii

Furthermore, repression always aims to break and isolate us, as explained above. Therefore, it is crucial that we show solidarity with the affected individuals in moments of powerlessness and make it clear that they are not alone.

We must also not forget that the wave of repression started significantly during the period dominated by the COVID-19 pandemic. During the peak of the pandemic, we were even more isolated and separated from each other. Consequently, the wave of repression hit us unprepared, and we are only now realizing many of its repercussions. Political work declined during this time or had to take place under different conditions. Connections and contacts, as well as trust among each other, were lost due to the pandemic, simply because we lost sight of each other for a long time. Rebuilding these now takes time. It is even more heartening to notice that this is gradually happening again. We need to come together more, get to know each other, and build trust. Moments of repression can be empowering for mutual support.

Conclusion

„Nevertheless, all of this should not lead to resignation but to the search for new answers and solidary reactions because one thing remains certain for the left scene in Leipzig: ongoing high state repression. We can only confront it together. Therefore, it is now a shared task of the radical left in this city to find ways to continuously and collectively work towards creating self-determined collective moments.“ We align ourselves with these words from the conclusion of the demonstration series „Alle zusammen gegen ihre Repression – Wir kämpfen weiter“ („All Together Against Their Repression – We Continue the Struggle“). Of course, we (still) don’t have answers to the questions raised in the text. But we want to find them. Let’s start a joint search movement. And let’s not lose sight of our friends or ourselves along the way.

Brave, undaunted, smiling – despite it all.

Footnotes:

i https://antirepression.noblogs.org/post/2023/02/26/anna-arthur-halten-die-augen-offen/

ii Friendships, shared housing, political groups, and scene environments have fallen apart as a result. But above all, it has affected women and queers who have been paralyzed in their political work and have withdrawn from political spaces and environments, or had to reclaim them for themselves. While comrades were able to resume their political work after a momentary pause, a shocked sense of helplessness, and a brief critical reflection on masculinity, it meant a significant loss of trust within their social circles for many women and queers. It was mainly these individuals who invested the resources to continuously address the violence and drive the discourse forward.

iii Recommended reading on this topic: „It’s not just boys‘ fun – How does the radical left deal with gender issues“ by Veronika Kracher from Konkret 5/2018

iv knack.news/3614

v https://wegedurchdenknast.de/

vi knack.news/2229

vii This text specifically addresses what to do when house searches occur and your specific group is not affected, but other comrades are: https://www.inventati.org/leipzig/?p=5249